Chapter Eight
Colonial Politics Intrude
A banquet, described in The Brisbane Courier of the 26th of August 1884, was held on the previous evening in honour of Sir Thomas M’Ilwraith (Member for Mulgrave and Opposition Leader), to welcome him on his return from a visit to the old country and to his home town of Ayr in Scotland. The subject matter contained in the various speeches, as delivered to this gathering by the colony’s then influential policymakers, gives a graphic overview of the current, topical issues. These issues to varying degrees, dependent on subject and location, were relevant to the Queensland Colony, the Lower Burnett region and to the other Australian colonies. The policy makers at the gathering were of various political persuasions and, for this reason, their speeches could be considered either non-partisan or, at the least, transparently partisan. Due to these considerations the subject matter of the speeches has been allocated a generous portion of this chapter.
The banquet concerned took place in Brisbane’s main Exhibition Building, its hall being provided with additional rows of gas jet lighting and with decorative flags of many colours. The principal table was placed at the far end of the room, with six other tables being arranged in parallel along the length of the hall. The occupants of the principal table were the chairman, the Hon. Dr. Kevin O’Doherty M.L.C, having on his right the guests of the evening Mr. Boyd Douglas Morehead M.L.A., the Hon. P. Perkins, Mr. Chubb M.L.A., the Hon. A. J. Thynne M.L.C., Mr. M. H. Black M.L.A., Mr. W. Salkeld M.L.A., Mr. J. Ferguson M.L.A. and Mr. C. H. Buzacott. On the left of the chairman were Sir Arthur Palmer M.L.C., Mr. Archer M.L.A., the Hon. J. F. M’Dougall M.L.C., Brigadier General MacIver, the Hon. A. C. Gregory M.L.C., the Hon. William Forrest M.L.C., the Hon. F. H. Hart M.L.C. and the Reverend J. F. M’Swaine.
The gathering was representative of the colony’s community as a whole and the numbers of those attending, included about thirty from Ipswich, twenty from Toowoomba, thirty from Roma and the Maranoa district, twelve from Bundaberg and Mount Perry, and some from communities further north including Rockhampton, Cairns, Normanton, and other locations. To meet capacity restrictions many of the tables were occupied by attendees who were obliged to retire on their completion of dining to enable the recycling of their positions.
Altogether there were between 850 and 900 people admitted by ticket. As no money was taken at the doors some latecomers, who were without tickets, were refused admission. An excellent band, which included Messrs Seal, Rosenstangel and several other performers, was positioned near the main entrance, whilst Mr. Whitehouse of Ipswich provided a very satisfactory catering service. The Chairman, Dr. Kevin O’Doherty, proposed the toast of The Queen, the Prince of Wales, and the Royal family and then the toast to The Governor which was delivered in complimentary terms. In a speech, the contents of which are set out below, he went on to propose the toast of the evening to a background of loud cheering.
Dr. O’Doherty said that in these young democratic colonies it was, he considered, our legitimate boast that we are not enamoured of blue blood and that we are not disposed to pay more homage to a hereditary title than the individual worth of the man who holds that title would warrant. Here public men are judged upon their merits and the highest distinction in the view of the people of these colonies, the right to be considered the first citizen, was only granted to the man who, with the entire voice of that colony, was considered to be her first and greatest statesman. In the history of these colonies comparatively few men had attained this great distinction or had left a name which would be recorded in history. There was one name that would live as long as these colonies existed, the name of one man who, with the entire voice of the colony, was acknowledged over all the colonies as their greatest statesman. (Cheers) A man who, he considered, in regard to all the Australian colonies, holds the rank that the great Washington holds in regard to America. (Cheers). Need he say that this man is William Wentworth? (Cheers). It was this man who drew the first Constitutional Act by which the colonies now enjoy the constitutional freedom that is rapidly raising them into the position of a great nation.
It was a singular thing, and he regarded it as a very hopeful one, that there are at present in the Imperial Council three men, probably amongst the most influential of Great Britain’s rulers, who aided largely in building up the representative system, the foundations of which were so well laid by Mr. Wentworth. He referred to Mr. Robert Lowe (Chancellor of the Exchequer under W. E. Gladstone - from 1868, then Lord Sherbrooke), the Right Hon. Mr. Hugh Childers (Chancellor of the Exchequer under Gladstone - from 1882) and Sir Robert G. W. Herbert (Queensland’s first Premier) and pointed out that Queensland could not hope to compete with the older, sister states in its number of distinguished men but could show, during its record of twenty-five years, a smaller but not less distinguished number of able statesmen who had ruled this colony to the benefit of all. (Cheers)
At the head of that list, amongst the older men who fought the battles of this colony, he would place the name of his honoured friend Sir Arthur Palmer (Cheers). He would place alongside this name that of his equally honoured friend Sir Charles Lilley (Cheers) and he would go further and say that the present Premier of the colony, the Hon. S. W. Griffith, was worthy of a high place amongst the men who are laying the foundations of good government in this colony. (Cheers) But whilst willing to give the fullest credit, the highest honour, to these gentlemen, he claimed for his honoured friend Sir Thomas M’Ilwraith (Prolonged cheers and waving of handkerchiefs) that he stands a head and shoulders over the whole of them. With all the qualities necessary to constitute the greatest statesman of Queensland Sir Thomas, he claimed, takes the first position of all the men who have appeared on the political arena of this colony. (Cheers)
He did not claim for Sir Thomas that he is infallible. They all know that there was but one man in the world who is infallible. (Laughter and Sir Arthur Palmer interjecting “Dr. O’Doherty, of course”). He was sure Sir Thomas would be the very last in this assembly to claim to be that man. He had many weaknesses. He was given too much to annexation Note 1. (Laughter and cries of “No, no”) There were some who thought Sir Thomas had the intent to annex the whole of our Western lands and hand them over to a terrible London syndicate (No! No!) to make ducks and drakes of them, but so far as he (O’Doherty) was concerned he did not believe there was the slightest evidence that he intended anything of the kind.
He did believe, however, that Sir Thomas had intent to annex this Queensland of ours to Scotland. (Laughter and cheers) They would all recollect how Sir Thomas succeeded during the last two years of his reign in flooding the streets here with Glasgow boys and girls from Ayr. (M’Ilwraith’s home shire.) He was prepared to welcome any number of our Scotch cousins, but fair play was a jewel, and he hoped when next Sir Thomas held the reins he would be prepared to recollect that our poor English immigrants have their rights, leaving Paddy Note 2 out of the question altogether. But these annexing weaknesses of Sir Thomas might well be excused on recalling the result of the bold and statesmanlike step he took when he planted the Imperial standard on the shores of New Guinea (Prolonged cheers) and sought to annex that territory to Queensland as British territory. Young countries, like young individuals, could only make progress by advertising and undoubtedly the bold step taken by Sir Thomas in this matter had advertised Queensland so well that, on all hands, her merits were being read of and discussed in all the great centres of the world, and from being but little known outside its own territory, it has been suddenly elevated to the position of the most favoured colony of the Empire. (Cheers) He hoped that this action, which had raised a spirit of inquiry into the higher duties of Australian patriotism, will not lose its effect till there is an Australian Dominion as the result of that inquiry. (Cheers)
If Sir Thomas M’Ilwraith had been remarkable in his career as Premier for anything it had been in giving grand surprises, but he (the chairman) held that there was nothing that could do more for the fame of a great statesman than giving grand surprises. Six or seven years ago this colony was, commercially speaking, little other than a dependency of New South Wales and all would remember the abortive attempts made to shake off that yoke. If anyone had said, seven years ago, that there should be seen such a stream of immigration coming in, as was then coming in weekly to the port of Brisbane, and being scattered right along the coast from north to south; and if anyone could have announced that fleets of steamers of 3,000 and 4,000 tons burden would come up to the wharves of Brisbane and land on shore hundreds of our own people, the life blood of a colony, every week, and that they would be brought safe and sound through the dreaded Red Sea and Torres Straits, such a man would not have been believed. But now all have seen this accomplished. If Sir Thomas had done nothing but that grand work, which had pushed this colony along more than all the legislation of the past twenty years, he would be worthy of all honour. In conclusion, he read some lines of welcome written by Mr. Samuel Macgregor, to whom he referred as the Poet Laureate of Queensland. He then proposed the toast of Sir Thomas M’Ilwraith. (Heartily drunk with musical honours)
Sir Thomas M’Ilwraith, on rising, was received with an extended and enthusiastic burst of applause that had the people standing on their seats waving their handkerchiefs and cheering loudly. As soon as the guest of honour could make himself heard above the acclamations he began his delivery of the following speech to a receptive gathering:
“Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen - Let me return you my most heartfelt thanks for the congratulations which you have given to me on my return to the colony - for the way in which Dr. O’Doherty has spoken, and in which you have responded to the sentiments he has expressed. I have had a good deal of the roughs of political life, I think I am now coming into some of the sweets. I have never when dining, in the whole of my public life, experienced greater gratification than I have felt in meeting my fellow citizens on returning from the old land to my adopted country Queensland. I feel at home again. I thought I would feel at home when I got to my old town of Ayr (in south-west Scotland) but I felt after all that I was not at home - that I was not amongst the men whom I knew, amongst those with whom I have been identified in public life, nor amongst these in whose midst I was to spend the rest of my life. I assure you that I felt more nervous in addressing my fellow townspeople of Ayr, when they presented me with the freedom of their borough, than I had ever felt when addressing an audience in my life, and far more nervous than addressing you now. Dr. O’Doherty’s kind words have given me the most pleasure because I remember well the fights that he and I have had in the old days. It is some gratification to me to know that we can differ and argue, and still remain friends to the end of the chapter. I value his friendship, and I only hope it will be taken as an example by other politicians in the future. It is a satisfaction to know that men can quarrel with one another in Parliament, and meet outside as friends, giving each other credit for acting in accordance with what he believes to be the best for the country.
Dr. O’Doherty has told you I am a man of surprises and illustrated his rather peculiar view, at least peculiar to me, by remarking how much I astonished the colony by opening up a direct trade between Queensland and the mother country. Now whatever credit may be due to me for that I can assure you that, if the doctor (Dr. O’Doherty) had studied my political career in this colony, he would have found that action was not a surprise because, from the very first day I entered the Legislative Assembly, I have stood up for the doctrine that we must do what we can to make Queensland a country in itself and the only way to do that is to stand upon our own foundations, and not to creep under the apron strings of the adjoining colony of New South Wales. (Great applause)
You may remember gentlemen, that I have often been blamed, and have even felt myself that I was subject to blame, for not adopting a weaker platform in advocating Queensland interests, but, while open to exception on the pure principles of political economy, I felt that a man could not go too far in using all the legitimate implements of government to force on the prosperity of this colony. (Applause) I am not vain enough to take to myself all the credit that Dr. O’Doherty has so kindly put upon me. There is not the slightest question that the Australian colonies have come very prominently before the world lately. If they have not become a nation, they are at least a nation in embryo, and will soon be a nation in fact before the world. I can say that Queensland certainly does not now occupy the position she did a few years ago, of one of the smallest of the Australian group. We are a little behind in population, but in everything else we stand as far ahead as any of the colonies.
Why, I had not been three weeks in the old country before I got a communication addressed to me by the mayor of one of the principal cities as the Premier of Australia. (Laughter) But this is not the point I wish to make of this circumstance. I wish to make two points - one is that the people at home (i.e. in Great Britain) should learn a little more of the geography of Australia, and the other that we have really come to the front much more than we ever expected. I know I shall be expected to give you some idea of what I think of the people at home judging from the short time I had to talk with them regarding the material interests of the Australian colonies. I do not want to make a long speech but I may say that I think the relations between the mother country and the colonies at the present time are, mainly through the combined action taken by the colonies to secure federation, a little strained and I believe we now see that the strong point in which we can attain great ultimate benefit is that we may be able to tell the mother country, in an authoritative way, what we think of her and what we intend to do.
To illustrate what I mean, look at the outrageous agreement into which England was prepared to enter some time ago, whereby a French company were to be given a monopoly of the Isthmus of Suez. Note 3 The whole mercantile community admitted that this was an outrageous proposal, but in a matter which so closely concerned us, the Australian colonies were not consulted, and they were shown not the slightest consideration. What means had we of jointly communicating our ideas on this subject? There was only one little squeak from the colonies, and that came from Queensland. I sent home a cable protesting against the making of such an agreement but consider the effect such a protest would have had if it had come from a united nation, such as we ought to be, and such as I have no doubt we soon shall be. (Applause)
There are other points on which we have no means of letting the home country know our ideas. They have a grand literature and a grand press, in fact nothing has delighted me more than to read the able opinions on colonial affairs given expression through the columns of the English press. They have been deliberately lecturing us and saying what they think of us, but we have no means of telling them our ideas about them. I could tell them a good many things if we could speak with the voice of a nation. Look, for instance, at the position Queensland holds in respect to Great Britain with regard to the wine trade. French wines could actually be got into the United Kingdom on the payment of less duty than had to be paid on the wines of Australia. (Applause) Surely, from a country that has been lecturing us for so long on the principles of free trade, we ought to have got justice, and to have been put in a position of equality at least. We were entitled to that as our birthright. The action of England in this respect has a great effect indirectly upon us at the present time.
Then again, we know how badly off our sugar industry is, and I have no hesitation in saying that it is owing to the fanatical way in which England has encouraged the sugar trade of the Continent that the colonial sugar market is in the position in which it is found at the present time. The sugar industry of Germany has increased by 300,000 tons during the past two years, and that nation is pouring cheap sugar into England. The mother country, instead of doing anything to check the trade, is simply lying by contenting herself with the remark that, if Germany is content to lose by making cheap sugar, they are satisfied. But could England not see that as soon as Germany had got command of the market and had crippled the industry in other parts of the world, she would make England pay more than ever for her sugar. (Applause)
Now I say this, that as we have been lectured for so long by Great Britain on the principles of political economy, it is time that we could speak to her with a united voice and that, if we could do this, we could tell her some things that would result in our own material prosperity. But there is a much stronger point which I wish to bring before you and it is a matter lying at the foundation of the greatness of this country. No one who has studied the position of England as long as I have, and who has endeavoured as I have to get the people there to take an interest in emigration to these colonies, can help admitting that a great deal of apathy has been shown on the subject. England has never made any united effort to divert to these colonies the great stream of emigration that has flown to the United States. Opportunities have been pointed out in which the influence of the British Government might have done a great deal in this direction, but they have simply stood still. (Applause) All parties in England seemed to have forgotten the position we occupy at the present time, and the position we shall occupy in the future. At the present time a third of the subjects of her Majesty live outside of Great Britain. Considering the possibilities of increasing immigration to these colonies, and the extent to which the number of her Majesty’s subjects abroad will be augmented, it will be seen that the time is not far distant, that it is only a matter of a few years, when there will be more British subjects outside of Great Britain than within that country. That fact does not seem to be recognized. Instead of standing back and giving us a no-assistance in the grand idea of federation, England ought to do everything she can to help us for, in a short time, the tail will wag the dog. (Applause)
Gentlemen, I am exceedingly interested in this subject of immigration. I think it is a subject on which we will all be brought to agree, because Queensland can be nothing without population. We must have a very large population, and we must try to federate in order to force upon the English nation the importance of inducing her sons to come voluntarily to our shores. We have achieved great success in this matter during the last few years. The wonderful prominence with which we have come before the old country has made immigration a much easier matter for us. Whereas at one time we had to pay the whole of the passage money of our immigrants, now we can get them by paying half, and I believe we will be able to force the colony into such prominence that the people will find the money in some way or other, and come out without any assistance at all. When we get such a system of immigration then will commence the prosperity of the colony, but we will not get such a system by too largely assisting immigration. I can see the time when the population of Great Britain will be emptied on to our Australian shores, and I believe that will conduce to the good of this colony. I believe that Queensland is capable of containing millions where she has now only thousands, and, although that result may not be realized in our time, we ought to work with that end in view. (Applause)
In conclusion, I thank you most heartily for the kind reception you have given me here. The reception accorded to me does not satisfy me the less because I do not take it so much as a recognition of past services as an expression of natural hope and conviction that I have come back to work. (Applause) It is a good thing for a party to be in Opposition. The duties of an Opposition are of a most responsible character, and such a body should be respected. As to the Opposition that I intend to preside over, I believe myself that they will make themselves respected. It is very probable that they will be outvoted for some time to come, but if there is one thing that I am satisfied of, it is that the country will know what we think on every subject that comes before us. (Great applause) Once we get the country to understand us and although they may at present pronounce against us on some points yet I believe that on a great many of the questions now before them they will come to say of the Opposition - Well done.”
After the prolonged applause ensuing on Sir Thomas M’Ilwraith’s speech had subsided, the chairman called upon “Poet Laureate, Mr. Samuel Macgregor,” to propose a toast to “The Parliament of Queensland”. As virtually all at the cross table were members of one of the two Houses of Parliament, they all stood in response to the toast.
Sir Arthur Palmer took the floor to indicate that most members of the Legislative Council had fought their way up from the Assembly and were a very useful part of the Legislature. --------. He claimed to be never as happy as when engaged in an uphill fight in the Lower House and characterized Sir Thomas M’Ilwraith as the foremost statesman, not only of Queensland, but of all Australia.
Mr. Archer followed and having mentioned his initial disappointment when Sir Thomas took Sir Arthur Palmer’s place as Opposition leader claimed that he now felt that Sir Arthur was right to resign and he had become comfortable under the leadership of the foremost statesman of Australia, Sir Thomas M’Ilwraith, in whom he had the most perfect confidence.
The Hon. A. C. Gregory and Lieutenant Colonel Snelling proposed a toast to the Army, Navy and Volunteers responded to by Mr. MacIver. Mr. Morehead then arose amid loud applause and proposed the toast Prosperity to Queensland, and in the course of his remarks said that Sir Thomas M’Ilwraith had done as much for the colony when he was in England as he had when he was in Queensland. -------- . He then claimed that Sir Thomas M’Ilwraith, in his annexation of New Guinea, had laid the foundation stone of federation and would always be regarded as this movement’s originator. Mr. R. D. Neilson, Mr. M. H. Black and Mr. W. Adams responded to this toast.
A toast to The Visitors was proposed by Mr. Stevenson and replied to by Mr. T. O’Sullivan, of Ipswich, Mr. W. Adams, of Bundaberg and others. The final toasts were one to The Ladies as proposed by Mr. E. Lilley and the other to The Press. The chairman then read a welcoming home telegram from the Progress Association of St George and the company dispersed at a late hour.
In passing it is notable that, with regards to the nature of the above assembly of guests celebrating Thomas M’Ilwraith’s return, whilst there could be fierce political debate in the House between politicians of opposing parties, in contrast to the often acrimonious encounters between our currently elected politicians, the civil attitudes of the same members towards each other when away from the House is worthy of remark. This civility often extended to actual friendships and social mingling when away from George Street as exemplified at this gathering by the prominence of such attendees as Dr. Kevin O’Doherty, an elected member of the pro-squatter Queensland liberals, in contrast to the anti-squatter tendencies of Sir Thomas, and also the presence of Edwyn Lilley, the son of Sir Charles Lilley, M’Ilwraith and Palmer’s opponent of yore and past premier. In contrast to later political party leaders both Sir Charles Lilley and Sir Arthur Palmer had personal opinions and political commitments to opposing parties whilst holding office as premiers of the Queensland colony.
Note 1: The Queensland colonial government’s annexation of New Guinea.
Note 2: O’Doherty himself, of course being a Paddy.
Note 3: The British Prime Minister, Benjamin Disraeli ensured that his government became the largest shareholder of the Suez Canal Company when, in 1875, it purchased the greater part of the company’s shares against resistance from elements of his Parliament.
On the morning of the 28th of August 1884, a large deputation was presented to the Colonial Treasurer by the Hon. W. H. Groom M.L.A. The matters raised in the deputation’s presentation would appear to have had a long-lasting effect upon the funding of public works in Queensland. The deputation’s numbers consisted of: Alderman Porter, acting mayor Brisbane, Messrs Aland and Campbell M.L.A. Toowoomba, Messrs. J. T. Annear M.L.A., Mayor Bryant, and Alderman Gaynor Maryborough, Mr. J. Francis, Mayor Ipswich, Mr. J. Ferguson M.L.A. (Rockhampton), Mayor A. M. Goodwin and Aldermen Walter Adams (Bundaberg). Mr. Groom indicated that he held a telegram from the mayor of Townsville appointing him as a delegate to represent that municipality. Mr. Groom then informed Mr. Dickson that the deputation consisted of representatives from several of the municipalities in the colony who had approached him concerning the actual costs of works, where the Government Engineer’s estimate of the combined cost had been £28,000, but the actual combined costs to the councils had reached £42,000 to £43,000. Consequently, Warwick had been granted a one-third cost deduction Note 1 by the execution of an Executive Minute, following resolutions that had been moved and passed at a joint municipal conference held in Brisbane in October 1882.
Amongst the leading points raised by the delegation Mr. Bryant thought that one third of the debt incurred for waterworks by small municipalities should be struck out and Mr. Adams pointed out that the availability of pure water was a necessary adjunct to all of the municipalities but the smaller municipalities were unable to bear the expense necessary to install adequate waterworks. The Toowoomba representative indicated that a water-supply undertaking estimated to cost under £10,000 had accumulated a construction cost of £22,000 and had proven to be a failure in operation. The Townsville representative then presented a similar story.The experience of Maryborough was raised where the cost of waterworks had greatly exceeded the original estimate, to which the Colonial Secretary commented that he had been under the impression that some cost concession had already been granted to the Maryborough municipality. Mr. J. T. Annear replied that the concession to Maryborough was only the remission of the interest owing prior to the completion of the works. As it was, taxation of the existing ratepayers in the municipalities was levied to pay for the expeditious redemption of moneys that they had expended on public works, such as water conservation. Posterity would reap the benefits of those labours while the present generation would have to pay all of the cost and Mr. Annear thought that, for this reason, all of this expense should not fall on the initiators of the works whilst those who came after them could then enjoy their usage free of charge. Note 2
Similar problems with cost over-runs and/or non-affordability were raised by Mr. J. Ferguson on behalf of Rockhampton and North Rockhampton and by Mr. J. Francis on behalf of Ipswich. Alderman Porter informed the Colonial Treasurer that his presence in the delegation was at the request of Brisbane’s Municipal Council to represent its mayor who was currently indisposed. As far as Brisbane was concerned he had no particular complaint but was there to support the other municipalities and pointed out that the Government was about to introduce a new Health Bill and the most important element concerning public health was an adequate supply of pure water. Small municipalities, in endeavouring to pay their debts, were taxed to an almost unbearable extent and he thought that such an important section of the colony should receive serious consideration by the Government and so he was in agreement with Mr. Annear’s suggestion that the interest payments should best be spread over a significantly longer period of time. Following closing comments by the Colonial Treasurer and by Mr. Groom the deputation then withdrew.
Note 1: This de facto government subsidy may have been the genesis of the thirty-three and one third percent subsidy for Queensland’s local authority water supply and sewerage works that was to become an accepted practice and one that was to prevail well into the twentieth century.
Note 2: Mr. Annear had a very good point here. There can be no ethical problem having future generations sharing in the cost of inherited infrastructure by continuing to pay off the remainder of a thirty-year loan raised to pay for the infrastructure if it is still in use at the termination of the loan. Expecting future generations to bear the cost of cumulative recurrent expenditure, with associated debt due to its accrued interest, is a very different matter.
For some time prior to the 10th September, 1884 a great deal of public interest in the Burnett and Mary districts had been focused on the subject of a proposed major railway extension to the western interior of the colony. At first in Maryborough, and later in Bundaberg, this interest merged into a feeling approaching antagonism between the two populations. In order to checkmate the attempted encroachment of Maryborough on the preserves of the Burnett district the citizens of Mount Perry, and some in Gayndah, sent memorials to Parliament re the extension of the Bundaberg-Mount Perry railway line to Gayndah. Copies of these memorials were sent to the Bundaberg Chamber of Commerce with an appeal for co-operation. Action had already been taken to promote the construction of the third section of the line, westward into Queensland’s interior, and the Chamber had subscribed to the funding required to conduct a preliminary survey of the route. Given the intense rivalry then prevailing the Chamber decided to exercise discretion by assisting the petitioners whilst maintaining its own objectives.
Extending the line from Mount Perry to Gayndah was regarded as a means of allowing the colony to save on the construction of forty miles of railway track by utilizing the Mount Perry to Gayndah connection as the eastern segment of the proposed Tambo railway line. This action of the Chamber was favoured by Captain Bennett, Messrs. Curtis, Duffy and Adams and by some of the settlers in the west of the district but was challenged by Mr. Rowland who favoured a line due west from Mount Perry. Consequently, the mayor had been requested to convene a general meeting to test the public opinion. This meeting was held in the Victoria Hall which was filled with people anxious to hear the arguments being presented by speakers who had taken the opportunity to state their positions. It transpired that the points of divergence between the positions of the participating speakers turned out to be quite small.
In every case there was a manifest desire to extend the rail line westward, the only area of disagreement being that, whilst one side believed that political expediency made it necessary to start the far western line from Gayndah following a Mount Perry connection, the other maintained that an alternative scheme to connect Maryborough directly to Gayndah should not be allowed to adversely affect Bundaberg’s hinterland. A map was produced with the usual perfectly straight route indicated and with both the map and the speakers ignoring any engineering difficulties and topographically enforced deviations from this route with nonchalance. The feeling of the meeting was decidedly in favour of the same westward course that had been advocated for years and after discussion the following two motions were carried unanimously:
The first motion being – “That in the opinion of this meeting it is desirable that the Bundaberg and Mount Perry Railway should be extended from Boolboonda to Tambo as nearly as possible along the 25th parallel of latitude”; and
The second motion being – “That the following gentlemen form a Western Railway Extension Committee, with power to add to their number, to draw up a petition to Parliament, secure signatures, and take such other steps as they may deem fit for the carrying out of the object of this meeting: J. C. Walker, J. Rowland, H. St. George Caulfield, W. Haigh, R. Hunter, R. Billington, J. Gee, Andrew M. Goodwin, W. Adams, J. Benstead, and W. E. Curtis.” The passing of this motion concluded the business of the meeting.
Following the meeting described above concerning the extension of the Mount Perry line, and after experiencing the failure of its early proposals to achieve the desired results, the Western Railway Association held another meeting and managed to obtain a quorum. After discussing the split in local opinion, which had greatly weakened the movement, it was decided to make overtures to Mount Perry and to ask that town to join with Bundaberg in forming a triple alliance with Tambo with the objective of attaining a railway connection through to Bundaberg from that town of the remote western plains. Railway line construction from Maryborough to Gayndah commenced in 1886 and progressed in stages through the intermediate settlements finally reaching Gayndah in 1907. No direct Tambo connection eventuated.
On the following Sunday, a disturbance occurred between some Chinese and British labourers at East Bundaberg. As in most similar incidents, this was to start on a small scale before escalating into serious proportions before being quelled. It was not clear how the disturbance had originated but, by its close, there were about forty Chinese and fifty of mixed nationality in the melee. The police-magistrate, who happened to be passing at the time, pacified matters and sent one of the combatants, an Irishman, to a place where he could obtain medical aid to repair his injured head and cut limbs. One of the Chinese was felled with a stone, but it was not reported that any others were hurt. It was suggested that there be an appeal to the police court to assess and to award appropriate indemnity and to provide a general settlement of matters raised in the dispute.
In a letter to the local press the writer, ‘A Mariner’ pitched into Mr. Walter Adams and the paper’s editor for daring to approve of a project that had been advanced to construct a stone pier and breakwater at Barolin (Burnett) Heads. He discerned, in Mr. Adams’s Chamber of Commerce motion, a subtle puff of the Barolin Syndicate, and contended that the Burnett River was the finest in Queensland, while the cost of a breakwater would, if spent in improving the river, make it even finer than the finest and he proposed that this breakwater could well be left for posterity’s consideration. Note 1
Note 1: A breakwater was subsequently constructed.
A proposal from the Maryborough Agricultural Society to collaborate on holding trial agricultural shows in Maryborough, Bundaberg and Gympie was considered at a Saturday meeting of the Bundaberg Agricultural Society and was rejected, the local Society having decided to discontinue the promotion of agricultural shows.
At the same meeting a letter from the Mackay Planters Association was read requesting the Bundaberg planters to take an early advantage of the cheap German labour that had recently become available, an issue that could have the effect of hastening the downfall of the Griffith government. The letter indicated that Mackay had requested the supply of five hundred of the cheap German labourers. Another letter, from a Mr. L. O. Lebeil, offering his services as a general recruiting agent of labour in Germany was also presented to the meeting. The meeting, which did not have a large attendance, decided that the Secretary should write to the Colonial Secretary for particulars as to how five hundred continental farm labourers were to be obtained and landed at Bundaberg, what provision employers had to make for them, and what was the smallest number one agriculturist could indent? The meeting further resolved to ask Mr. Lebeil to define the terms under which he was prepared to act as agent for the Bundaberg district and it was agreed to invite all interested persons to attend the quarterly general meeting, to be held on the last Saturday in October, to collaborate in defining the district’s labour requirements.
At a Municipal Council meeting, a by-law imposing restrictions on bicyclists was carried on the motion of Alderman Goodwin. It was considered that the crowded (?) state of Bundaberg’s narrow (?) streets demanded that severe measures should be taken to protect ratepayers from the two bicycles and one tricycle now occasionally ridden about the town. It was possible that the most conspicuous cyclist, Mayor Curtis, would be the first to come under the iron heel of the law as he had the habit of taking nocturnal rambles on his ‘spider-web wheels’. The earliest of the coming mechanical transports had arrived in Bundaberg.
Walter Adams tabled a motion in the late October Chamber of Commerce meeting that the Government be requested to expedite the Registrar-General’s Department’s procedures with regard to the issue of the Deed of Grant. This request was echoed by Maryborough’s Chamber of Commerce and there was a wide-spread feeling that Walter was in the right as hundreds of tardy land transfer cases could be cited to demonstrate instances of negligence in the system, either in the Registrar-General’s Department or in the Land Office.
It was quite a common occurrence for a selector, especially one on a small selection, who had fulfilled the conditions of settlement, and who had paid the full amount due to the Government, to wait twelve months or more for the Government departments to provide him with his deed. A selector of limited means commonly worked on his piece of land every day and denied himself, and sometimes even a large family, the bare necessaries of life in order to fulfill the conditions of attainment required by the Government and, while doing so, was also expected to make improvements to his land holding and to meet the regular payments on his rent under penalty of forfeiture.
A drought could ruin his crops, or sickness render him unable to work, but the State still required its annual payment. His aim, especially if he was a small selector, would be to obtain his Deed of Grant to utilize it as security. He could then obtain the moneys necessary to obtain the settlement of his current liabilities and enjoy an improved lifestyle. For a selector the possession of his deed meant the freedom from pressing creditors and the ability to provide for his family wants.
It was argued that such a man would be robbed both of his peace of mind and of the necessaries, not to mention the comforts, of his family’s existence if the Government failed to provide expeditious delivery of this title deed. It was also maintained that, when a selector had honestly fulfilled his side of the contract with the State, he should then receive his land title in no more time than was required for the full investigation of his compliance and for the preparation of the Deed of Grant document. To be put to the loss and inconvenience occasioned by any unnecessary delay was considered extremely unjust. Walter’s promotion of the selectors’ interests, no doubt influenced by his own early experience with his South Kolan holding, was always a priority during his participation in both local and colonial government.
The Maryborough Chronicle in its edition of the 5th of November 1884 reported that: “What can your members and ours be about that the plans for the rail line to Bundaberg have not yet been passed. Vessels are constantly running to Bundaberg with cargoes of Newcastle coal; if this line were open none but Burrum coal would be used. ‘Our members’ solemnly promised in their election speeches to push on with this railway. Why don’t they do it? If this line was related to the immediate interests of either Brisbane or Rockhampton it would be well-nigh finished ere this. I think that our members hold themselves far too cheap. They constantly defeat the efforts of their constituents to push the district forward. The great rush for the Isis lands, even at a time when the sugar industry is at zero, is a proof of the public desire to form homes on good agricultural lands. ----------. The Government still holds in reserve several thousand acres of the famed Isis scrub. The wish is general that the whole of it should be at once cut up for sale.”
And: “A test has been made of the Queensland Land and Coal Company’s (Burrum) coal by the British India Steam Navigation Company on board one of their ships; the report being sent to Mr. Rankin, manager of the colliery, is that ‘the coal is more powerful for steaming than any Newcastle coal yet used on the ship.’ Mr. Fleming, proprietor of the Bundaberg gasworks, has had a cargo of 100 tons delivered and he has pronounced it to be ‘an extraordinary rich gas coal.’ With such a character for our coal, working at only 220 feet from the surface, what can we expect when our deep measures are reached?”
W. E. Curtis resigned the Mayoralty of Bundaberg on the 31st of December after having been charged by the Town Clerk, Mr. R. Thompson, with attempting to impose on the Clerk work that was outside the bounds of the his official duties. The trouble had been brewing for some time and the climax was reached when, at an earlier meeting of the Council, the Mayor was requested, by resolution, to convene a public meeting to obtain expressions of opinion on the campaign to reprieve from hanging Neil M’Neil who had been found guilty of shooting an islander when acting as second-mate on the ship Hopeful. In a memo couched in extremely authoritative phrases Mayor Curtis commanded the Town Clerk to make all the arrangements in connection with this public meeting but, in a firmly-worded letter in response, Mr. Thompson replied that he was neither a messenger nor an errand-boy and that on his salary he could not afford to employ one.
This letter wounded the Mayor’s dignity to such a degree that he returned it to the clerk with a peremptory note that it be brought before the Council. When the matter came before the Council, the Mayor moved that the Council’s copy of the letter be expunged from the Council’s records and, after some discussion, this was agreed upon. Later however, when the inward correspondence was under discussion, the Mayor moved that the letter be returned to the Clerk and intimated that it was insolent in tone and altogether unwarrantable and that he would resign if the Clerk’s action was upheld.
Walter Adams would have none of this, and made it clear that he despised the resignation threat. He maintained that the Clerk had been a faithful public servant, and for all the public institutions in Bundaberg with which he had been from time to time connected, he had performed a yeoman’s service. Mr. Adams claimed that he would not be one to insult and humiliate Mr. Thompson. Aldermen Lamb and M’Conville followed in the same strain. On the subsequent division the Mayor had only two supporters while there were four against. As a result of the opinions expressed in support of the Clerk prior to the division Mr. Curtis resigned from his position as Mayor.
The Year of 1885
There was a proliferation of central sugar mill proposals in the late 1880’s and in the Childers area there was, in addition, a clearing of scrub land for sugarcane plantings that progressed from the east to the west. These scrub lands had been investigated as early as 1863 by a pastoralist, William Howard who has also been credited with the discovery of the Burrum coal deposits, and after whom the nearby township of Howard has been named. Later, in 1878, James Noakes took up his selection, which he named Doolbi, and planted an experimental sugarcane crop in 1882. In 1885 the Isis Investment Company was formed to promote the construction of a branch railway line from the North Coast Line to Childers which was opened in 1887.
In 1885 a decision was made to have a separate Catholic cemetery in Bundaberg. Walter and Mary Adams, together with at least three generations of their descendants, are buried in this cemetery which fronts the present Fitzgerald Street. The cemetery was established on the 40-acre south-east corner of Portion 33. Some very early burials in this cemetery were of Walter’s son George Manus, who died of pneumonia at age 33 years in 1888, and of George’s baby daughter Mary Elizabeth who was buried two years earlier, in 1886.
Michael Gahan had applied for the lease of Portion 33, consisting of 120 acres to the south-west of the town, on 15th of March 1881. Approval of the lease was received on the 16th of November 1881 and on the 8th of March 1884 Michael submitted a Certificate of Fulfillment of Conditions by Selector under The Crown Lands Alienation Act with Walter and George Manus Adams attesting to his meeting of all conditions required for the issue of a Deed of Grant including the construction of a hut and 80 rods of fencing, the clearing of 2½ acres and residence on the site. The Deed was issued on the 1st of July 1884 after payment of the remaining ten year’s rent balance. Shortly thereafter forty acres of land subdivided from the eastern corner of Michael Gahan’s Portion 33, Subdivision 1, had as registered proprietors Constantine Rossolini, Walter Adams and Michael Gahan. These transitional proprietors “in consideration of the sum of ten shillings now paid to us by Robert Dunne, Andrew Horan, Denis Byrne, James Patrick Maria Connolly and James Benedict Breen do hereby transfer all our estate or interest in the said land above described” to the trustees as named in the above list.
Following a further title transfer, on the 16th of November 1889, the land was now dedicated to “the erection and maintenance thereon of a Roman Catholic Church, School and Priest’s residence or for any other Roman Catholic Educational or other institution and generally for the support and maintenance of the Roman Catholic Church.” As the cemetery commenced operation in 1885 it is likely that Subdivision 1 was excised from Portion 33 in late 1884 or early 1885, with Michael being compensated for the loss of a third of his land by Walter Adams and Father Rossolini. The land now accommodates the Shalom school also, as foreshadowed in that long-ago land use description.
Mr. Pentridge, a relatively poor resident of Bundaberg, was engaged to fell trees behind the racecourse and was accidentally killed by a falling tree in the execution of this work. Walter Adams, acting in what had become regarded by the townspeople as his normal manner of conduct, came to the aid of the widow and five children. By canvassing the citizens of the town, he managed to gather a large subscription for the sustenance of the bereaved family.
In February, during a period of depressed trade, and with insufficient confidence to encourage speculation, fresh developments were required to increase the town’s industrial activity. The only labour market activity was in the main business district where contractors were transforming the earthen carriageways into metalled roads. The council was determined to create as much commercial activity as possible by constructing permanent works funded by the expenditure of available funds together with the addition of an overdraft. The paving of Targo and Barolin Streets was under contract with the Barolin Street works nearing completion. The paved roadways were flanked by concrete gutters which, unfortunately, resulted in the removal of all shade trees from the footpaths.
February’s municipal elections, the fifth to be held in Bundaberg, engendered some interest with two ex-mayors and two aldermen running for the three seats that had been vacated. A further issue had been raised by the aforementioned resignation of Alderman Curtis, occasioned by an unfavourable vote, the result of an aversion of some of his fellow councillors to his method of dealing with the town clerk. Friends of Mr. Curtis, who recognized his qualifications both as an alderman and as a businessman, thought the people would see it advisable to return him to the head of the poll. However, various influences worked against Mr. Curtis and he only succeeded in coming third. He was topped by Walter Adams with 186 votes, and by Mr. Lamb with 160 votes. Mr. Curtis obtained 145 votes and the defeated councillor, Mr. Boreham, 114. Feeling within the council that had been raised by the contest quickly subsided although it was promised that the council would receive “the rough side of W. E. Curtis”. When the council met to elect the mayor for the current year Alderman Andrew M. Goodwin, who had been acting in the position and who had been a general all-round chairman in the absence of the preceding mayor, was the only nominee and was duly elected. This appointment had been regarded as a foregone conclusion.
The Brisbane Courier of 29th of May 1885 described a significant event in the history of early Bundaberg, the visit to Bundaberg of Sir Thomas M’Ilwraith its local member, the Member for Mulgrave, and the leader of the Queensland opposition. In a consequent meeting Sir Thomas and his constituents discussed economic conditions of importance both to the colony and to the local district.
“The commencement of the event was the formation of a long procession, numbering forty vehicles and headed by Mr. D. F. Johnston who was driving four handsome gray horses that had been placed at his disposal by Mr. Neilson. Following its formation the procession proceeded to the Yellow Waterholes, located on the road to the Freshwater Elliott crossing, to meet the party of Sir Thomas M’Ilwraith. When the coach approached, the well-known form of Sir Thomas was the signal for an outburst of cheers. The mayor welcomed the distinguished visitor on behalf of those assembled and invited Sir Thomas to take his seat in the four-in-hand. As the coach approached the main street guns commenced firing in North Bundaberg. In order that the long line of vehicles might have an opportunity to converge the leading vehicle turned into Bourbon Street the other vehicles following in convoy. The route was along Targo Street, into Quay Street and then to the Royal Hotel, where the last and the first vehicles of the procession closed to form a complete ring round that entire section of the town. The arrival of Sir Thomas M’Ilwraith at the hotel was greeted with cheers. Here the whole party dismounted and adjourned to the long room where the mayor briefly proposed a toast of welcome to Sir Thomas, which was most enthusiastically drunk. Sir Thomas, in acknowledging the toast, said it was nearly two years since they had last elected him as their member, and it was very gratifying to him on his visit here to meet with such a cordial reception. He felt highly flattered and pleased with the manner they had received him that day, for it indicated to him that he enjoyed their sympathies and support then as he did when they first elected him. He had come amongst them to perform a duty he owed to his constituents and he thanked them sincerely for their cordial reception. (Loud cheering)
The Victoria Hall, the venue for the visitor’s welcoming home banquet, showed the benefit of careful preparation. Following the seating of the estimated 115 participants the entrance of Sir Thomas, in company with the Mayor and several others was loudly applauded. The Mayor, Mr. Andrew M. Goodwin, occupied the chair, and gave the loyal toasts, which received an enthusiastic response. Later, in responding to the toast of His Excellency, the Governor, the chairman said they were all proud of their noble institutions and the Governor, as the representative of her Majesty, was the chief link which bound them to the highest of British institutions, The Throne itself. The Mayor, in his capacity as chairman, carried on to say that, as they were all no doubt aware, it was rumored that his Excellency, Sir Anthony Musgrave, was projected to conduct a tour of the coastal towns, and he (the Mayor) sincerely trusted that Bundaberg would be honoured by inclusion in the vice-regal tour’s itinerary. (Applause) He was sure that in no other part of the colony would the Governor be more loyally received. (The toast, with musical honours, followed)
Alderman Curtis then proposed the health of their distinguished guest, Sir Thomas M’Ilwraith, a leading statesman of Australia, he might even say, the leading statesman of the colonies. Having commended Sir Thomas’s political action in regard to the annexation of New Guinea into Queensland, the Transcontinental Railway, Note 1 the labour question, and the mail service the alderman went on to say that the Colonists had, in Sir Thomas M’Ilwraith, a man of whom they might all feel proud and he sincerely hoped they would soon have the privilege of banqueting him as the Premier of the colony. (Prolonged applause) Sir Thomas, by virtue of his statesmanlike qualities, might fittingly take his place in the English House of Commons for he would venture to say that had Earl Derby exercised but a degree of Sir Thomas’s foresight, or his statesman-like abilities, the wishes of the colonies would not be treated as they were at present and England would not be the scoff of Europe. (Applause) He asked them to drink not only to Sir Thomas’s health as a statesman, but to him as a genial gentleman in every respect. (Enthusiastic support & musical honours)
Sir Thomas M’Ilwraith said that he could not be otherwise than highly gratified with the terms in which his health had been proposed by Alderman Curtis. He came there to fulfill a public duty to his constituents, and to take the most extended means of exchanging views with them. The reception that the present company had given to the toast was particularly gratifying inasmuch as it showed that their relations had not changed. It was something to him to feel that, notwithstanding his long term of service in Parliament, he was still their trusted member and still enjoyed a hold on the sympathies and support of the people of Mulgrave. (Cheers)
Perhaps that good feeling was owing to the fact that he had always studied their interests in and out of Parliament and fought for whatever would further their prosperity. (Cheers) Mr. Curtis had referred to his past career in politics. Well, he felt that he had managed to identify himself with some important periods in the history of Queensland, and he was proud to say that he could look back with satisfaction at his actions in relation to many important public questions and point to the results to demonstrate that both here and at home it would have been better for Queensland, better for England and better for all if his advice had been followed and his actions confirmed. (Prolonged cheers)
The proposer of the toast had referred to the annexation of New Guinea. He (Sir Thomas) had, during the last few weeks, read the Blue-book of Great Britain and the White-book of Germany, containing all the State papers and correspondence relative to the annexations by Germany in the Pacific, and he arose from their perusal with a sense of shame that he was attached to the British Empire as one of her subjects for he could come to no other conclusion but that the interests of this colony, the welfare of Australia, and the integrity of the British Empire had been deliberately sacrificed by the weak-minded British Cabinet Ministers.
He also considered that Queensland’s citizens should share the blame for not constantly expressing their views during the past two years and for not being more strenuous in placing the facts and claims for unity in the Pacific prominently before the world. (Applause) The occupation of New Guinea would prove to be a very important matter for Australia in the future. Queenslanders could judge, by the recent war scare, how serious it was to have sitting beside them a nation which might at any moment become involved in a war with England. (And this was in 1885)
The White-book to which Sir Thomas had referred had contained communications between Bismarck and Earl Granville, and letters to the German consuls in Australia which disclosed that Germany had annexed New Guinea and New Ireland with the deliberate intent of obtaining the additional strength to fight England in the South Seas in case of war, and he considered that Lord Derby did Australia a cruel wrong in ignoring the colonists’ views. (Applause) The letters to the German consuls in Australia unfolded a plot which showed that he was right in annexing New Guinea in 1883, and indicated that the information on which he decided to annex was reliable, but the weak-minded British Government refused to act until too late. He would continue to illustrate the extreme lack of wisdom in their action. The colonies were considered to be safe against the Russians at this time as Russia did not have territorial possessions near them and there were no Russian coaling stations in the vicinity for the use of her fleets. However, when the colonies allowed Germany, or any other warlike foreign power, to acquire groups of islands at their doorstep, and permitted them to found naval depots and coaling stations, they had established a constant menace which must necessitate the keeping of a huge standing army in Australia prepared for action in case of international complications, ones in which Australia might not be in the least interested. That was the great danger which he sought to avoid by annexing New Guinea- (Loud cheers)
Mr. Curtis had also associated his name with representation in the House of Commons. He could assure them he had no ambition that way. (Laughter and applause) He knew that he was something in Queensland. It would be affectation in him to attempt to deny that he took the greatest possible interest in, and had devoted years to try to master, Queensland politics and assist to shape the destiny of the country, and he felt that he could never take the same interest in what seemed to him to be the small questions which cropped up in England - small as compared with the large affairs of Queensland. (Laughter and cheers) Here they had in the land, labour and finances bigger problems to solve than any which came before the House of Commons, problems which, if presented to the present British Government would, like the rest of their schemes, end in a perfect muddle. (Cheers and laughter)
He certainly did not aspire to a seat in the House of Commons, neither did he aspire much to office in this colony. He believed that he could do more good work for the colony in Opposition than in office, and he would take this opportunity of saying that any Government fighting an uphill fight, like the present Government of Queensland, had his sincere sympathy. He had helped the Government, and his friends had also helped in every way they could, through the recent war scare and he gave the Ministry every credit for their vigilance and patriotic intentions. While in opposition he would continue to promote good government. Obviously he was aware that, in the ordinary course of events, he should be obliged to return to power. (Prolonged cheers) However he was not struggling for this return, and he would not resort to unworthy means to hasten that event, but the time for return was coming and he had little doubt that, whether he liked it or not, he would have to again assume the functions of leader of a Government.
Meanwhile he would be better pleased to continue to perform the functions of leader of the Opposition. He had no desire to force a premature change of Ministry, as he considered every Government should be given a fair trial, but the question “What is a fair trial?” then arose. In the previous year he had decided to oppose the Triennial Parliaments Bill, because he thought a quinquennial (five year term) parliament was a happy medium between the seven years’ system of Great Britain and the three years’ system of America, but then the party in power in Queensland, who wished to force triennial parliaments on the country, were complaining that the Griffith Ministry, who have held office for two years, had not yet had a fair trial. (Laughter) That was the strongest possible argument against triennial parliaments, and it came from a party that had claimed three years’ fair trial for their Government while not allowing Parliament itself to exist for more than the same period.
Sir Thomas claimed that he had not, at first, intended going into these political matters on the night, as he had intended to give an account of his stewardship since the last general election to the electors on the following evening. (Cheers) However he found himself drifting into a discourse on a many other subjects, all of which he considered worthy of consideration.
They were aware that much of the work that had been accomplished by the present Parliament entailed a radical change in the land laws of the colony and they were now in the position of asking, “Have we made a false step, and shall we retrace it before it is too late?” The new Land Act practically put a stop to the acquisition of homesteads or freehold land of any kind, except in the towns, and the more he saw and heard of the effect of the Act the more he was convinced that it was not good for anybody except for the squatters in what were called the settled districts. (Hear, hear) They were the only class who were directly benefited by the measure and in all other respects the Act must prove detrimental to the whole colony. The state of the country would not permit of these violent experiments. The present Government had said, “Don’t blame us for the state of the country; don’t blame us because it hasn’t rained,” and thus excused themselves. When in power he had to contend with droughts and deficits, and he never tried to palm that excuse off on the country. When he took office there was a large deficit to cripple his efforts, and an uphill task he had with it, but when he left the Treasury it had a surplus of £700,000 which, by the way, was now getting smaller every day and at the present rate of decline would soon be all gone. (Cheers)
When he left office, there were complaints from the then opposition that the traffic on the railways was too great for the resources of the lines and that the rolling stock was insufficient, but he was sorry to say they didn’t hear anything of that now. (Hear, hear) His Government was also blamed for rashness in bringing immigrants to the country in large numbers, but every man who arrived during his term of office found quick employment. Now, at the present time, more immigrants were on the sea coming here than ever there were when he was in office. At the present moment about 1,400 immigrants, whose passages had been paid for by the Government, were on the way to Queensland and what prospect had they of obtaining employment on landing? Things had so changed that they could not get employment, but he did not blame the Government altogether for that. They deserved much credit for some things but much blame for others. They could not fight Nature but if they were to put their shoulder to the wheel they could do much, which they had not done, to minimize the bad effects of the season and no worse, or more thoroughly mistaken means, could have been adopted than their land policy. (Hear, hear)
The old country was sending men and money to Queensland, but it now all stopped at Brisbane, where it must remain, for the Government would not allow it to go out into agriculture which was doomed not to, or at the least would struggle to, get into operation by the Land Act now in existence. If a sensible policy were to be adopted, there would be any amount of money available to encourage people to get land for themselves and pursue agricultural industry, but where could a man get a homestead now? He must wait until August next, when the first lot of selections would be thrown open, and he would then get a lease which was not worth having and which could be taken from him at any moment. The Government ought to exercise foresight and have any amount of good land ready for settlement by secure lease or purchase, but they had not exercised it. (Hear, hear)
Neither had they exercised ordinary foresight in regulating immigration. There was no sense in overdoing it at a time like the present when the lands were locked up and working men were unemployed to a greater extent than he had ever seen before in this colony. He had been travelling through the country to the west and was surprised to find a plethora of labour available. Men travelled from place to place looking for work, and then disappeared over the colony’s border. It was a wicked waste of money to bring large numbers of immigrants here if the Government would not carefully watch the progress of absorption and regulate the influx; and it was more wicked still to bring people here and not provide land for them to settle on as agriculturists. (Hear, hear) It was not for him to say how far the Government was to blame for the depression in the sugar industry’s branch of colonial agriculture. He would appeal to many of those he saw around him, and to the planters of the North, to say if the present Government were entirely guiltless. He would merely ask, ‘Were the times generally the same now as before the party at present in power commenced to bungle with the sugar industry’. (No! No!)
Even if the Government were not chargeable with directly harassing the planters he claimed not to understand how they could allow a big industry to collapse without making some gallant effort to save it. (Cheers) When the condition of the industry had been forced upon them the Government professed to have found a remedy in cheap labour from Europe (Groans), but had they even attempted to enforce their remedy? Had they even tried to carry out the provisions of their Act and to introduce that labour? No, because they knew from the first that it would be a failure; they had known it when they proposed it, and they had never intended to carry it out. (Hear, hear) He did not see any reason why labour should be made a party-political question at all and he regretted that it had been.
He had always regarded the question as one which should be viewed liberally and to be studied in conjunction with the future of the colony. No man had tried more than he to study the question fairly and admit to the rights of all. (Cheers) He felt that the plantation labour question was one in which the prosperity of all classes was so directly concerned that the question ought to be lifted out of the category of party politics and settled without the assistance of a violent party uproar, (Cheers) but the party in power did not want that. The aim of the Government was to keep that subject raw and not settle it, unless they acquired another one equally useful to them for electioneering purposes.
Eight years previously he had proposed to abolish the kanaka traffic altogether, and who had opposed him? It was the Government party of whom Mr. Griffith was one. Last year, before he returned from England, a member of his opposition party proposed something of the same sort, but the Government would not have it. No, they preferred to keep the question dangling before the working men, whom it suited them not to advise properly but to keep in ignorance, for their own political purposes.
If the people were wise they would decline to consider the coloured labour question as one of party politics. (Cheers) He cared nothing about kanaka labour himself, for he was not an employer of it, nor interested in it in any way, but he had consulted the planters and the business people all along the coast of Queensland, and they had but one opinion, which was that no tropical agriculture can succeed without kanaka labour. (Hear, hear) Bundaberg might get along without it because it was more favourably situated in point of latitude, but in the North sugar could not be successfully grown without it. The question can we do without kanaka labour could, he believed, be very easily settled sensibly and in a way agreeable to the working classes.
It was a pity that the working men would only be taught by starvation and only learn the true causes of depression in trade by suffering from want of employment. He believed that the industrial depression now felt in all the towns of the colony was very largely due to the interference with the sugar industry. (Hear, hear) Why should we ruin the colony two or three times over before we found out what was best for us?
In conclusion, he wished to express the pride he felt in being the member for Mulgrave. He hoped to continue as their member for a long time yet. (Loud cheers) They knew that he had never been above working as far as it was physically possible for a member who was deluged with correspondence, and he was conscious that he had looked after their interests. Whether as a leader of the Government or Opposition he had tried to faithfully attend to the duties of their member and he hoped to continue to do so, with perhaps a second member to help him. Note 2 There was then no sign of that additional member being provided to the Mulgrave electorate as the present Government was not anxious for change. He then thanked them for the very nice way in which they came out to meet him that day and for the very complimentary circumstances which had given him the opportunity to address them that evening, and he thanked Alderman Curtis for the kind and really eloquent speech delivered to propose his health. The distinguished guest, on resuming his seat, was greeted with a hearty three cheers from his assembled constituents.
Sir Thomas M’Ilwraith then arose to say that he had been asked to propose the toast of The Town and District. He supposed that meant the Bundaberg town and the Mulgrave district, and he thought that he had to congratulate them as well as himself upon the progress of the same. (Applause) Although there was no doubt that dullness in commerce existed at the time he hoped soon to see a resumption of their former progress. A short time ago, while travelling, he had met with a learned gentleman from Mauritius, who said that as long as we were fairly treated in the matter of labour, there was no country in the world so suitable for sugar-growing as Queensland. (Applause) When they stopped making the labour question a party one and acted sensibly in the matter they would not have their streets empty or their working men walking about in idleness. He alluded with regret to the failure of the copper industry in this district. This was due, not from any falling off in the yield or in the richness of the mineral, but from a cause, that was affecting all mines in the world. (Applause)
Alderman Walter Adams, in acknowledging the toast, alluded to the early days of this district. The first house was erected in Bundaberg only thirteen years ago, Note 3 and twelve years ago he himself was considered a madman when be erected his hotel; but he had done it and he was proud to say that now he was as sane as ever he was. There was a depression existing in the sugar industry and the low price of sugar was no doubt one cause, but there was another cause that Sir Thomas had not pointed out, namely, that in Europe they could get as much work done for 7½ pence as they could for 1 shilling and 6 pence here. Notwithstanding this, he believed cane-sugar would hold its own and that Bundaberg would rise to a greater degree of prosperity than ever before. (Applause) Following additional toasts the meeting concluded at 11.30 p.m.”
Note 1: This was a proposal to construct a railway line, from Dalby via Roma (and through Charleville?) to the vicinity of the present day Burketown near the Gulf of Carpentaria, a line that has never been constructed; and
Justifiably concerned at the significant distances between the colony’s settlements, which hindered the distribution of goods and the export of produce, M’Ilwraith had proposed, dependent upon parliamentary approval, a system whereby capitalists constructed the railways in exchange for the allocation of blocks of land, suitable for development or sale, adjacent to the railway line under construction. Refer earlier note.
Note 2: Walter Adams was shortly to become one of these two members, following Sir Thomas’s resignation as the member for Mulgrave first as Sir Thomas’s replacement as the member for the Mulgrave electorate and then, following its consequent division into the electorates of Bundaberg and Musgrave, on election to the newly created electorate of Bundaberg. Mr. William Bligh O’Connell was elected to the other new electorate of Musgrave. Both members were supporters of Thomas M’Ilwraith’s conservative policies.
Note 3: By that reckoning in 1872.
The Pacific Island Labourers Act Amendment Bill of October 1885 in Clause 14 stated “After the thirty-first day of December, one thousand eight hundred and ninety, no license to introduce islanders shall be granted.” This amendment was to have a profound and cumulative effect upon the finances and morale of the inhabitants in the sugar-lands.
Though the contract for the construction of the Bundaberg to Mount Perry line was signed in late 1878 the line itself was constructed in stages: to Moolboolaman in 1881; to Gillen’s Siding in 1882; to Boolboonda in 1883 and to Mount Perry in May, 1884. Following the line’s completion Mount Perry became the railhead for the Upper Burnett and a major expansion of the town ensued which included the construction of six new hotels, a courthouse, hospital and a School of Arts.